After the episode Mgr Ndongmo of 60 and 70 years, the debate on
the issue Bamileke make a comeback on the edge of the democratic opening. It Sindjoun Pokam and Mono Ndjana two alter ego like no other that revive
the carousel itself. Attacks and aftershocks
followed the attacks and human responses between Mono and Ndjana Sindjoun Pokam had to make headlines in lhebdomadaire The Messenger of the 80 or 90. Indeed, the two protagonists, both philosophers Cameroon have really made
the issue Bamileke during those years, a theme of political philosophy redundant local. The theme is a long income ambitions of hegemony of the Bamileke, which
indexes and Mono Ndjana Sindjoun Pokam will demystify. This hegemonic Bamileke, Mono Ndjana called ethnofacisme and the author
defines neologism which adds to the political vocabulary as the Cameroonian automarginalisation ethnic group, who then takes action actively to the conquest of power, not without affectation sadomasochistic (...). Just click here fascism that threatens lÉtat, mobilization techniques,
tactics for the conquest of power. (9)
Sindjoun Pokam on him, he says, do not let this doctrine only occupy the intellectual field and discursive space Cameroonian opposition in a no less original replica neologism monofascisme the first concept created by Mono Ndjana. Note that the root of this neologism is the name of Mono Ndjana. For Sindjoun Pokam, the Mono Ndjana monofascisme which is guilty is a philosophical and political concept whose central axis the theme of the enemy. For him, wanting to establish philosophically the Renewal of Paul Biya, About the author tackle in his socialist idea in Paul Biya, to designate the main enemies of both conventional and potential: the Bamileke community.
And Sindjoun Pokam to rebel: Is it philosophically and legally justified in refusing a people to desire power, cest to say to have political passions? If now the people want the power is that it has historically been frustrated. The philosopher is here called upon to reflect on the conditions, processes, procedures that historically have constituted as political subjects. (10) In any event it receives in Mono Ndjana the sponsor and the representative of new ideological fascist forces, embodied by the monofascisme.
Following Sindjoun Pokam, who had responded to the views of Mono Ndjana the same year by publishing a pamphlet, The Political Philosophy betrayed: the monofascisme a group duniversitaires Cameroon will go further in the expression of feelings of persecution of the Bamileke by sending 1 March 1990, an anonymous memorandum to the President of the Republic, to: National integration. This is especially the integration of the Bamileke people in the national community, because for the signatories to this historic letter is noted that the priority in the attitudes of too many administrators and politicians is not to build a nation strong from all potentials quoffre our socio-cultural diversity but rather to do everything possible to prevent the Bamileke, paradoxically, more foreign traders in Cameroon that Lebanese and other Indo-Pakistan, to invade the space and activities political economy of the country (...) In short, the Bamileke not or should not have citizenship in Cameroon because it would be devoured by a hegemonic hunger that drives him to the seizure of political power, economic and religious. .(11)
The intellectuals also ask the Bamileke detribalisation effective Cameroonian nationality, that is to say that references race and province of origin are banned birth certificates and other civil acts, the elimination of quota policies déquilibre regional and leveling the bottom and put in the Bamileke extinguisher in the name of promoting minorities, all things contrary to republican citizenship Lesprit dune.
In the intellectual class, reactions to the memorandum were bright and the dÉdouard Kingue, incisive. For him, this group duniversitaires embittered and not mandated in addition, represent themselves chef: While making lapologie dune tribe they are in no agents, courageous non-signatories of the memorandum of academic Bamileke raise the specter of disintegration because of the trial they would lobjet Intent. Many Cameroonians, in any case, do not think like the university Lombre whose frustrations right or wrong to fight the recall tribal (...) Is it indeed possible to describe not only senrhumer only the Bamileke is enterprising, dynamic, contributing to food self-sufficiency, saving, creating businesses and tontine is traditionalist and religious, pay taxes, is virtuous nationalist competent?. (12)
At the religious level, the Bamileke are equally indexed ambitions of hegemony. And this desire, especially in the Catholic hierarchy would be anything other than the antechamber dune political hegemony in the pipeline, where the memorandum of native priests of the Archdiocese of Douala March 16, 1987 for theCatholic senior levels, with the purpose A new light on the situation in the Archdiocese of Douala. The native priests denounce Bamilékisation of the Catholic hierarchy of Cameroon tending towards the seizure of political power. For them, the argument that it is now argued that if the Bamileke are good at managing the spiritual realm, why should they not in managing the time domain? For the native priests who feel their Douala archdiocese unjustly driven Bamileke since the appointment of Bishop Christian Tumi, as Cardinal in 1987, the growing dominance of the Bamileke in the direction of the Catholic clergy in Cameroon would seek clear in the final analysis, the conquest of political power: For greater control of financial power, it is necessary to control political power. The combination of money power with the Bamileke man is facing, we believe towards the conquest of political power in Cameroon, through the strategic points of the country. (13)
All in all, the least we can observe is that, in the words of one investigator each time the country is moving, it is called the Bamileke, when the same country sleeps, we think of the Bamileke. Some people only see in Bamileke their qualities and cite an example, others observe their faults and even consider them a threat to political stability in Cameroon. (14) From this perspective, all might suggest that there are actually among the Bamileke intentionally made a conscious identity. However, it seems that this case nest quune urban crime. Cadets social, consisting of the large peasantry and common people miserable limmense are very selfless of champions, wherefores and stakes of these debates.
Moreover, observers believe that the political character that is attributed to lexpansionnisme Bamileke, referring to the past (UPEC episodes in the period of Independence) is unfounded and not based on any mental common policy in the Bamileke. An undercover investigator quil think is unfortunate that the suspicion aroused by the solidarity of the Bamileke not deviate from its natural role in lexacerbant or bringing them to a withdrawal, hence there thinking this Ndzongang Albert, a figure in the debate Bamileke, who will not include the Bamileke, marginalized bristled in a fragmented and tries to find its mark thanks to the emerging political pluralism? . (15)
It was in this context that we must place the draft Convention grassfields January 1997 to Bafoussam. Decided during a meeting in Bana November 15, 1996, the Convention of girls and Bamileke son, was in response to complaints and marches against the Bamileke Sawa Douala in the wake of municipal elections on January 21, 1996. The criticism of the Bamileke was to have been over-represented at the head of municipalities in Douala at the expense of indigenous Sawa.
The master of practice of this Convention, the Industrial Bamileke Kadji Defosso based in Douala justifies its initiative: Considering the harassment and attacks on members of the community are the victims, the son of the community at large Bamileke (Grassfields) any sensitive political spectrum gathered at Bana, 15 November 1996 and decided to set up a committee to organize a national convention of all the girls and son of the community grassfields . This is the substance of a statement released after the foundation of Bana.
Kadji Defosso heard and sound the tocsin of the reconquest and the claim of the place of the Bamileke in Cameroon today. But for the newspaper Ouest Echoes, in one of his analysis, he will, to take this huge project, a triple lift mortgage: That of the industrial Kadji itself, which does not reassure everyone, that of those who would make a distinction between the problems and the problem grassfields Bamileke, and finally that of the son who think grassfields urbi et orbi that grassfields problem solving begins with problem solving of Cameroon.
Is it to solve the problems of Cameroonians that the concept of autochthony was constitutionalized in Cameroon? Many observers have viewed at least one antibamiléké constitution, noting a causal relationship between its enactment is January 18, 1996 and Sawa steps of 10 February 1996, which drew directly pretext, with hardly a space of one month