Public opinion agitated, frightened and traumatized discovers hate literature cultivated and systematized. But before measuring the political, ideological, ethical and philosophical literature of hatred that which Mr. Amadou Ali, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Justice and Minister of Justice is the current figure, think the historical genesis of the problem Bamileke in the political field in Cameroon. This is to find the dogma which established the issue and the founding text that accompanies it. This text is the French Colonel Jean Lamberton published in the journal National Defense in March 1960. Who is Colonel John Lamberton? This is one of the actors of the war that the French state and the new state led by Cameroonian independent countries in the Bamileke and Bassa. A monumental work has been devoted to this historical tragedy experienced by our people. It is entitled: KAMERUN! A hidden war to the origins of French Africa, 1948-1971 published by La Découverte Paris 2011. Reading this book asks the philosopher in mind the issue of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by theFranco-Cameroonian army against the people of Bassa andBamileke people. The debate is open on this serious issue.
Back to the founding
text of the problem Bamileke. This text is organized
around a series of theses which the political,ideological, ethical, religious, are immense.
THESIS 1:
"Cameroon is committed on the road to independence with in his shoe, a rock very disturbing. This stone is the presence of an ethnic minority: the Bamileke in convulsing the origin or thecauses are clear to anyone.
Our knowledge of the Bamileke remains superficial because ofGriaule or Richard Mollard able
to explain their problems that stand in many areas: demographic and social, national and international levels. There are serious difficulties, not only to solvebut simply to ask
them correctly. In context, African Cameroon, acommon logic to discern the white man
does that through adistorting perspective, the future of
Cameroon will be determined by their solution yet.
Doubtless Cameroon is he now free to pursue a
policy at will and problems Bamileke are the
responsibility of his government. But France can not ignore
it: did not she engaged to guide the first
steps of the young state, and these problems do not him shebequeathed unresolved? Just also look at the map to see that
Cameroon is inserted as a cornerstone in the
building of theAfrican community. "
It follows from this argument that France created in
Cameroonand bequeath what she calls the problem and the Bamilekepolitical destiny of Cameroon is organically linked to the
solutionof this problem. We also learn that our country
is at the heart ofthe politico-strategic backyard French.
THESIS 2:
"In fact, the Bamileke are
a people. Just to be convinced to consider their number, their history, social structure and dynamism. A homogeneous group of Negro populations meet so many
factors of power and cohesion is not so commonplace in Central Africa, Cameroon, at least, the Bamileke phenomenon is unique. "
This thesis is certainly the foundation of what has
been called the will of the Bamileke hegemony. It suggests the attributes of power it endows the community, the idea of a chosen people, self-confident and domineering.
THESIS 3:
"The history of the Bamileke would obscure other anecdotal interest if it did not reveal how these people are abroad in
Cameroon. Most of Cameroon's population is without doubt the Bantu group, for the Bamileke, is less certain. In the absence of a thorough investigation, it
must refer to the work fragmentary often contradictory. But one point at least beyond the controversy in the late seventeenth century, the Bamileke people slowly slid parts of
Bornu in the north-east of modern Nigeria - to the massive Cameroon Adamawa. The time of its establishment on the board that now bears his name is new. "
The
ideological issue - policy of this thesis is immense. It suggests that within the national community, the Bamileke people is foreign. It is not at
home.
The fate of foreign heavy political consequences, the most extreme can lead to exclusion in its brutal and violent. Power status of the Bamileke people are
twice that of overseas. Double burden!
Thesis 4:
"The country Bamileke is now a trap that no one knows which side it is, it is possible to grasp." And Colonel added as if to
suggest a hope: "For today, however, CAMEROON, depending on the solution Bamileke."
The treatment of the issue ends Bamileke in the Speech from Colonel Lamberton in the
remembrance of a figure metaphysical anguish that haunts Cameroonian historical consciousness.
THESE 5:
"Immersed prematurely perhaps, in the exercise of sovereignty, Cameroon discovered on the plateau Bamileke anxieties which so far had been
spared"
Thesis 6:
"These are some of the problems, more or less, motivate bloody disasters (...) but also may result in Cameroon and France, which assists in the
domestic adventures and complications external disturbing. "
Posthumous fate of the work of Colonel John Lamberton
What was the historical destiny and posthumous theses Colonel John Lamberton? These theories were developed and deployed in five homes ideological,
political, philosophical, military, religious. Each of these homes will history remember names and voices that express it.
· Fireplace philosophical.
He returned to the philosopher Hubert Mono Ndjana to be the face and voice of this great home.
Mono Ndjana
philosopher wrote: "The ethnofascisme is the will power of an ethnic group, or the expression of his desire to be hegemonic takes the form of theoretical discourse, or that of a ruck in
the controversy is that of a systematic organization as a conqueror mercantilism "
Home of the Catholic Church
The clergy of Douala wrote: "For greater control of financial power, it is necessary to control political power. The combination of money power with the
Bamileke man is facing, we believe, to the conquest of political power in Cameroon and consequently strategic points of the country.
Control over the archiepiscopal Bamilékisation
process hierarchy naturally tends towards the seizure of political power.
The North is almost conquered the East, too, the West already. It was only the Littoral
is Douala to say, and come full circle "(Clergy of the Archdiocese of Douala. Memorandum to the attention of their Excellencies. Done in Douala March 16, 1987).
Circle of Yaounde
Clavis Dr. Simon Peter Tchoungui, Florent Eily Etoga and Francois Xavier Ntonga It supports the clerk of Douala and denounces the chosen people and arrogant what they think the community Bamileke
"Yes, the clergy of Douala right, when he takes to task those churchmen who say with assurance that Rome is disconcerting to hasty that the Church is not
late. The illustration of a policy bastard, that any ethnic group would be predestined to ensure accountability of political power, and should, be fulfilled for this
providential design, the heads of the local church belong absolutely to the chosen people "
· Fireplace Policy
Jean Jacques Ekindi, polytechnic and politician emerged as an actor and theorist of this hate literature against the Bamileke community.
Walking
anti-Bamileke chiefs Superiors Sawa February 10, 1996 has produced two series of events which one is the formation of a movement called KOD 'A SAWA MBOA and the other promoting, through some
newspapers (The Relax, The Challenge, The Patriot, Galaxy, Elimbi), a political literature. The combination of these two events form a political-ideological
bloc headed by Jean-Jacques is placed Ekindi. Here is the central thesis and program of this movement.
"It should be noted that our movement is not a political party as such. Other minorities want to work with the community sawa, particularly in the fight
against the protection of minorities and the preservation of their identity and heritage. Our group welcomes KOD'A MBOA SAWA these solicitations to strengthen the minority group
(...) a resolution of the group sawa asked Jean-Jacques Ekindi to approach other opinion leaders sawa. These include Samuel EBOUE, Marcel and YONDO NJOH LITUMBE to unite and
create an appropriate framework to better defend the Sawa face the dangers that threaten them "(KODA MBOA SAWA, newsletter No. 001 , BP 2500 Douala, Tel: 430
472)
The Bamileke is this threat in the eyes of this movement. Hence the urgent need for the community to have a Master sawa, a strict father who protects his
vital space. Jean-Jacques Ekindi becomes the Master.
"It is clear that the confusion, the claim of the minority Sawa and all others obey any political bandwagon. The revolt unleashed does not have time to find
or to give a Master (...). It is time to close ranks to Sawa for the preservation of their living space "Living Space! This
sudden and complete expression of this literature of hatred and hostility towards the Bamileke community.
A historical text in its scope as it challenges the hard way the founding
myths of the State of Cameroon, the Cameroonian people, nation building in Cameroon completed the adventure sawa ideological political movement embodied the politician
Jean-Jacques Ekindi.
Indeed, it is within what has been called
the protest sawa that fits in all its radical collapse of the founding myths of the Cameroonian State. Nothing better expresses this radical questioning and brutal that the text
of the newspaper detention, which reports on a meeting held May 10, 1996 in Limbe, described as APPOINTMENT OF HISTORY and the theme: A STRATGIE COMPACT, SOLIDARITY AND
AGGRESSIVE. The newspaper noted: "During this meeting, the community Sawa said the advent of a disaster is often the cause of awakening of a people. The
extermination of Jews under Hitler gave birth in 1948 of the State of Israel, this has definitely put an end to the qualification of wandering people assigned to this nomadic
nation. In Pakistan, the original formula, the persecution of the authorities in Islamabad to the place of the Bengali people in East Pakistan had led to the birth of a State,
Bangladesh in 1971.
History is full of examples where national entities are forced to reconstruct and to resolder when their
rights to existence, their very survival is threatened. The arrogance of ineligible voters and their elected SDF were the first to score a decidedly ethnic character their
election victory in the largest metropolis of all Cameroonians is the city of Douala, has had thepositive effect of reminding the Sawa people playing rules applied by some
nationalists in the construction of Cameroon: the principle of living space.
Also, in the Campo Idabato, Babimbi the country to the plains of Mbo, the trumpet of irredentism Sawa
was mouthed following disrespect the basics of hospitality that appear alien to the place some of those they were offered a free holiday there nearly a
century.
It took the insolence of a few irresponsible expansionary Bamileke for the peaceful coexistence that has always existed between the Bamileke and Sawa is now the subject
of questioning. As we have said, there are four months of this, we confirm today, the scenery of Rwanda is already planted in Cameroon: the system of ignition of the wick was
operated from January 1996 and will be powder kegs can be achieved within a few days. When a gigantic holocaust will be corrected population statistics in some
provinces, you will certainly understand, with the help of figures that inter-ethnic coexistence serene is much closer to the demographic reality that the dictatorship of the
majority. Indeed, oil, the best land in this country, electricity and three outlets to the sea: Limbe, Douala, Kribi arguments are sufficient to require the breakup of Cameroon
in which states would bring together the people who have the same origin , a common culture and a common destiny. The lack of convergence of interests and
culture of different ethnic groups in Cameroon must make each tribe solely responsible for its destiny. "
What remains there concepts of state, nation, peoples, country after
reading such a text? No. This text introduces an ideological-political rupture, break, breakage and interruption in the chain of historical
concepts. This decline, ruin their influence in our national consciousness. Hence our question: what does the President of the Republic of the text that
challenges in a most radical and brutal mission, duty and right as he orders the fundamental law of our country?
The President of the Republic is he aware of the deployment of
such literature? This is the radical question to be asked. In any case, this tribal-racist literature in question is a fundamental attributes are those of the
chief magistrate of the country. Hence the historical responsibility of the President of the Republic in the promotion and dissemination of a doctrine that ruin the organic
unity of the State of the Nation and the People.
Indeed, what does and what does this literature tribal-racist? She said publicly that the myths on which we have
lived up to historically outdated and that the historic compromise that justified the peaceful coexistence of different ethnic groups in Cameroon is now obsolete. Hence it
follows that each ethnic group is entitled to create their living space and to defend it.From there, the Declaration of 15 June 1996, made in Douala by traditional chiefs of the
Grand Sawa and where it says:
It develops a defense doctrine of the living space where it is necessary to expel the Bamileke community become alien.
"Considering that all Sawa are direct descendants of peoples who have created communities that are within the existing land areas of the Littoral and South West, some parts of
South, Central and West and , before the various invasions, European colonization and the formation of the State of Cameroon,
Considering also that some of this
land is inhabited today by non-Russians from other parts of the country, and this for various reasons, the most striking is the national integration policy practiced since the aftermath of
independence ,
Considering also that the alien became dominant by the number of parts of our land, and this is starting to make some of them demanding and
insolent
Whereas, finally, the occupation of land can not confer the right to the soil,
Solemnly declare that the greatest
concern of the indigenous people Sawa is organized threat against our collective survival in the foreign section GRAFI within communities Sawa. "(Declaration of July 15, 1996,
Galaxy, No. 191 of June 17, 1996).
Politico-military
focus.
Here, he returned to General Asso'o to be the facilitator. And this in a context dominated by the fight against corruption has become a major issue for
the President of the republic
Paul Biya. The President says in effect, "But there is more serious, I mean the corruption I have often denounced but which
continues to rage. There is also a total incompatibility between our efforts to reduce poverty and the scandalous enrichment of a few. The diversion of public
funds is made, it must be remembered, to the detriment of the national community. Today I want to say very solemnly that he has to stop. "(Post year-end
December 31, 2005).
A class of emerging presidential speech: a few. This category subsumes corruption in its extreme form. It embodies the eyes
of the Head of State absolute corruption. In the logic of the speech of General Asso'o this category, these are some of the Bamileke who have everything and steal
everything. Here is revealed the hateful and belligerent speech of General Asso'o. From there, our thesis: With this speech, is put in place a mechanism of the
scapegoat. The Bamileke is the absolute incarnation.
What does the General Asso'o?
"Why does he say, do you want to force the hand of the President of the Republic? Whether to stop Ondo Ndong
must also stop Niat Njifenji, Yves Michel Fotso. They stole more than Ondo Ndong "(General Asso'o, interview with the newspaper New Report N ° 160 of September 15, 2005, see
also The Messenger No. 2005 of November 14, 2005).
For General Asso'o, Niat Njifenji and Yves Michel Fotso are figures and extreme forms of corruption. They embody the Bamileke
community. The General said firmly: "The Bamileke have everything and steal everything"
· Fireplace ethnic passions
Amadou Ali embodies those passions in their exacerbation. With Amadou Ali we are witnessing the rise of ethnic passions to extremes posed as a system of
political management. Amadou in confidence to the Ambassador of the United States and reported by Wikileaks states: "The three northern regions will continue to provide support
for Biya wish to remain as long as President, but the next President of Cameroon will not come fromethnic Beti / Bulu. The Betis are too few to oppose the Yankees,
let alone the rest of Cameroon. The Bamileke have made overtures to the elites of the North to forge an alliance between their respective regions, but the Yankees were so
suspicious of the intentions of the Bamileke they do not conclude an alliance to support a Bamileke political power. " Even more precise, Amadou Ali said: "In a recent
wide-ranging discussion and frank with Ambassador Ali said that the equation of stability in Cameroon based on the variables of relaxation between the ethnic Beti / Bulu
of Biya, the majority in the southern region of Cameroon and the populations of the three regions northerners, known as the Low Countries that are ethnically and culturally
distinct from the rest of the country. The Septentrion support Biya wants to stay as long as President [...] but will not accept a successor who is another Beti / Bulu, or a
member of the powerful Bamileke ethnic group sat down economy. "
Amadou Ali, for his understanding and practical is this figure of thought that manifests the end of a historical
cycle in which the forces that have facilitated biologically, intellectually and historically exhausted. Fed by ethnic and Ethnic passions, they are summed to have to leave the
historical stage, willingly or unwillingly, to make room for the new historical and political forces, drawing their energy from the political passions, fed with sources a demanding and uncompromising patriotism and dedicated to the achievement of Pan-Africanism ethical, philosophical, political and monetary. These
political forces are here and now. They are subsumed under the concept of youth thought of as determinate negation, negation as negation resolved and
affirmed. This is the total denial and brutal neocolonial state which Mr. Amadou Ali is one of the central figures. The watchwords that guide program in theory
and practice that youth are prescribed by our national anthem which orders:
O Cameroon birthplace of our
ancestors.
[...] We work to make you successful.
[...] From Africa be faithful child.
This is the alternative must be opposed to the ideas of Mr. Amado Ali is cradled and nourished by the ethnic passions to extremes which led to this tragic figure what the
Civil War.
The national community is haunted by the civil war which the people Bamileke is posited as potential sacrificial victim until the great massacre.
The
philosopher Fabien Eboussi warns in one of his works of political philosophy entitled: (Democracy in Cameroon Transit ed. Harmattan Paris 1997 P. 331-332), the philosopher wrote, "The problem is
the Bamileke to cover a second Another framing likely to advance the resolution by moving to put in the better environment. The strength of the Social
Democratic Front is to be objectively represented such hope. Why and how? What is the problem? At psycho, it takes the form of a node
consists of fear and resentment antithetical and contradictory. On the one hand, the various ethnic groups expressed their fear of economic and financial power of the Bamileke
[...]. Therefore, the last line of defense is the executive. If this last bastion fell it would be like breaking a dam, a flood that would devastate everything
in its path: the other groups, but also the institutions of the common good. For the success Bamileke is not without disorder or instability, without bypassing the existing
rules of the game [...] Envy, looking for excuses and scapegoats to eat less, lazy stereotypes . Nevertheless, these fears and the resentments, justified or
not, have the effect of which generate a diverse coalition aims to keep them away from the supreme power. Their mere existence is a political problem. " Access
to power the Bamileke state policy exposes the massacre so that the historical figure is genocide. Thought of as undifferentiated whole history, the community is dedicated to
the Bamileke collective death. The political philosopher Eboussi Boulaga note. "A fallacy is a naturalized, reduced to the status of objects that can devote to
destruction without remorse [...]. The fear of looting of property, the lynching of a thousand little daily exclusions before the general massacre settled in the minds and
behavior. "
This is the tragic fate that awaits the Bamileke community dedicated to ethnic hatred. The authors and the actors of this hate literature and
stubborn held historically known. Their historical responsibility is engaged.
A school of philosophy, history and ethics of our master, the scholar and historian
Cheikh Anta Diop, we learned that exacerbated ethnic passions lead historically and necessarily destructive violence that genocide is the final phase. We're taking
action.
The political history of Cameroon and is now dominated by ethnic passions. We have identified homes and figures from which they are
deployed. Although they occupy the major administrative and political and ideological apparatus of the state military, historically they are
exhausted, but they can in a confusion that already occurs, plunging the country into civil war. Faced with these negative forces, stand positive forces carried by patriotic
passions, and Pan-Africanists. From north to south, and east to the west of the country they manifest and reinforce every day.These forces are then endowed with a
philosophical negativity foolproof. Its historic task is to build a new political body, a new community of citizens. It will be the ruin of ethnic and tribal
forces.The dialectic of life and death struggle has already begun. A Pan-Africanist and the patriotic forces, we must give a direction geostrategic and
geopolitical.